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 Illinoisans who think the 
Commonwealth Edison bribery scandal and the state policies hiking energy bills 
are unrelated should ask themselves, “Who is linked to both?” 
 Hint: it’s the embattled former Illinois House speaker who was recently indicted 
for corruption over his dealings with ComEd.
 
 Mike Madigan is responsible more than anyone else for forging the state’s 
complex and costly energy policy during his 36 years in power. Energy bills are 
one of the focal points of the corruption probe into Madigan’s tenure.
 
 Over 70% of Illinois receives its electricity from Commonwealth Edison. Rates 
have been increasing annually for some time, despite state government regulating 
the rates the utility company can charge its customers and the rate of return 
from its business operations. In theory, state government is supposed to keep 
the utility in line and work to ensure power costs remain low.
 
 So, what happened?
 Under standard operating procedure, public utilities in Illinois are governed by 
the Public Utilities Act and the Illinois Commerce Commission. Generally, rate 
increases are limited through ratemaking, which is carried out by means of a 
“rate case” typically before the ICC.
 
 These cases take time: the ICC has 11 months from a filing to make a decision, 
so proposed rate increases tend to progress slowly and must meet requirements to 
increase rates. For years, this has acted as a stopper for large rate increases 
in every utility governed by the commission, which is crucial considering the 
near monopoly public utility companies have on their industries.
 
 The ICC is both responsible for electric rate increases, as well as preventing 
them. With electric producers besides ComEd supplying power to the state, the 
system has helped keep electric bills lower statewide compared to Illinois’ 
neighbors and to the national average.
 
 In 2011, ComEd was able to circumvent these safeguards via passage of the Energy 
Infrastructure and Modernization Act, otherwise known as the “Smart Grid” law. 
The bill was framed by ComEd as a $2.6 billion smart grid investment plan that 
included a 4.2-million-unit smart meter rollout, intended to give customers 
access to real-time data and services to more efficiently use energy. It also 
created a new regulatory framework structure for consumers to pay for those 
upgrades.
 
 While these infrastructure improvements are viable methods of reducing energy 
waste, the new framework has effectively allowed for ComEd to bypass the rate 
increase safeguards. Since the law passed, revenues from the company’s delivery 
rates have jumped from a little over $2 billion in 2012 to nearly $2.7 billion 
in 2019, an increase around 2-1/2 times the roughly 12% rate of inflation during 
the same period.
 
 
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  The Smart Grid law was expanded in 2016 by passing 
			the Future Energy Jobs Act, which provided even greater benefits to 
			the utility company, and effectively served as a bailout for ComEd’s 
			two remaining nuclear power facilities. According to NPR, records 
			show the legislation yielded more than $935 million in the first 
			four years after it passed. Both of these increases were primarily 
			through deliver-side increases, or the amount that a resident has to 
			pay to have electricity delivered to a home. 
			Effectively, these two laws resulted in billions going into the 
			utilities’ pockets that had no real business being there. While 
			several of the programs that have been implemented will save energy 
			and help to refurbish Illinois’ energy infrastructure, these 
			programs effectively serve to cover up the new ability of ComEd to 
			bypass existing safeguards to see larger profits. These laws, 
			especially the Smart Grid law, have only served to harm Illinoisans: 
			netting billions for ComEd, while ratepayers are left another burden 
			alongside high taxes and untenable public pension payouts.
 The passage of these laws can be laid squarely at the feet of 
			Madigan, who, in both cases, served as the political power to get 
			ComEd legislation through the Statehouse, often building support in 
			exchange for favors from the company. Madigan has been indicted on 
			corruption charges related to helping ComEd pass these laws, and 
			preventing pro-consumer legislation from surfacing. In particular, 
			he has been accused of receiving bribes from ComEd, specifically 
			that ComEd executives arranged jobs for Madigan's political allies 
			where they "performed little or no work" in exchange for Madigan's 
			influence in passing legislation favorable to the utility or 
			defeating legislation that would harm its business, or held 
			internships for applicants from his home district. He even went so 
			far as to kill pro-consumer legislation backed by his own daughter, 
			former Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan, to get two political 
			allies jobs with ComEd.
 
			
			 
			These charges have resulted in radical shifts both in the Statehouse 
			and for ComEd. The company was charged with bribery for steering 
			jobs and other benefits to Madigan and his allies, and agreed to 
			paid out a $200 million fine in exchange for deferred prosecution of 
			the charges. The company has apparently worked to walk back its 
			admission of liability, despite federal prosecutors unveiling a 
			22-count indictment against Madigan, charging him with racketeering, 
			bribery, conspiracy, wire fraud and extortion.
 The good news is Gov. J.B. Pritzker and other state lawmakers have 
			turned against ComEd’s efforts to extend the EIMA’s formula rates 
			past 2024, in no small part because of the allegations of corruption 
			the utility now faces. For the short term, Illinoisians are likely 
			to see their utility bills increase as ComEd tries to leverage the 
			system it created with Madigan before it evaporates.
 
 The Madigan-style corruption that drove up energy rates is still 
			possible in Illinois. While rules and reformswon’t stop it, they 
			will signal state lawmakers are rejecting the old ways and remember 
			who they really work for.
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