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 In the past 10 years, the Illinois General Assembly 
has put six constitutional amendments on the ballot. Voters have that same 
power, but have failed to get a single proposed amendment on the ballot in that 
time. 
 Look at the longer timeline, and since 1970 when citizens gained the ability to 
petition for constitutional changes they have succeeded just once. Many other 
attempts have failed, most recently thwarted by cronies of state lawmakers.
 
 This November, Illinois voters will again decide whether to grant a 
constitutional change state lawmakers are pushing. Amendment 1, a so-called 
“workers right amendment,” does much more than ban right to work. It would give 
government union bosses constitutional rights to negotiate and strike over a 
nearly endless array of issues and trump state law – powers no other state 
offers unions.
 
 The six constitutional changes driven by state lawmakers include Amendment 1 and 
in 2020 a change to allow graduated income taxes, including the ability to tax 
retirement income, to replace the state’s flat tax. Voters roundly rejected the 
“Fair Tax” proposal sought by Gov. J.B. Pritzker and backed by $58 million from 
his personal fortune.
 
 Compare six lawmaker initiatives in 10 years to what happened to changes sought 
by Illinois voters.
 
 In 2016, over 500,000 voters signed a petition to place their own amendment on 
the ballot, taking redistricting power away from state lawmakers and giving it 
to an independent redistricting commission. The proposal had the support of a 
majority of voters, according to polling done by the Paul Simon Public Policy 
Institute. That amendment was thrown off the ballot by the Illinois Supreme 
Court after it was challenged by an ally of indicted former Illinois House 
Speaker Mike Madigan.
 
 The same thing happened in 2014. Nearly 80% of Illinoisans supported term limits 
for lawmakers, and a petition to amend the constitution gained more than enough 
signatures to satisfy constitutional requirements. But that amendment was also 
stricken from the ballot by an Illinois appellate court, taking away voters’ 
opportunity to weigh in on the issue. The same Madigan ally fought the 
initiative.
 
 
 
So why can special interests get their pet policies placed on the ballot while 
everyday Illinoisans get thwarted every time it looks like they might succeed? 
It’s because the Illinois Constitution has been interpreted to limit 
citizen-initiated petitions more severely in Illinois than in any other state.
 
 Citizen amendments in Illinois are more restricted
 
 The Illinois Constitution provides for amendment through citizen-initiated 
referendums, but those changes are limited to “structural and procedural 
subjects contained in Article IV,” the article that covers the makeup and powers 
of the legislature. In practice, this limitation means citizen-initiated 
amendments very rarely make it to the ballot because the Illinois Supreme Court 
has strictly interpreted this limitation.
 
 According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, 16 states allow for 
direct citizen-initiated constitutional amendments. The subjects that can be 
amended by initiative in Illinois are narrower than in any of those states.
 
 In part because of its unique limits on the initiative process, there has only 
been a single successful binding constitutional amendment initiated by the 
voters of Illinois. That amendment reduced the size of the Illinois House of 
Representatives from 177 to its current 118, passing in 1980.
 
 Numerous attempts have been made to get other amendments on the ballot. All have 
failed.
 
 Other states are not nearly as restrictive. In Missouri and Ohio, initiatives 
will pass muster so long as they only cover a single subject matter. In 
Michigan, an initiative is only limited to those “laws which the legislature may 
enact.”
 
  
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The citizens’ initiative was meant as a way to circumvent the legislature when 
it was unlikely to act. But the fact only one amendment has made it to the 
ballot in 52 years, combined with the fact policies with consistent support from 
the public do not have a chance in the General Assembly, illustrate why the 
restrictions on the amendment process need to be relaxed.
 
Direct democracy has shown positive results
 Some are wary of popular referendums as a method of reforming the constitution, 
which echoes the Founding Fathers’ skepticism of direct democracy in general. 
But after more than a century of experience with popular referenda in the United 
States, that history demonstrates what limits should be placed on Illinois 
amendments.
 
 
 
Skeptics of popular democracy worry people will be unable to restrain themselves 
when it comes to spending and tax policy, wanting to spend on lavish government 
benefits without the ability to pay for them. That is exactly what has happened 
in Illinois without a popular referendum.
 
 Research from professor John G. Matsusaka suggests popular referendums tend to 
result in more fiscally conservative policy than otherwise, especially when 
referendum approval is required for spending. There is some concern special 
interests will be able to manipulate voters more easily than would a 
legislature. Matsusaka found special interest groups, such as corporations and 
labor unions, tended to succeed less often when taking a position on a 
citizen-initiated ballot measures than they did when taking a position on 
proposals that originated with the legislature.
 
 Reform can be modest
 
 While the experiences with popular democracy demonstrate broad-scope, 
citizen-initiated amendments can work, Illinois need not remove all limits. 
Reform can be focused on the aspects of governing that lawmakers are least 
likely to change because of conflicts of interest inherent in the system. Voters 
should be authorized to enact reforms when lawmakers are unlikely to do so. That 
means empowering voters to decide policies on term limits, redistricting and the 
area most problematic for Illinois: public pensions.
 
 Illinois lawmakers have been completely unwilling to take up pension reform 
since the Illinois Supreme Court in 2015 struck down their statutory attempt. 
The inaction is despite polls showing popular support for reform. Lawmakers have 
labeled reform impossible because of the pension protection clause of the state 
constitution, but they have made no real attempt to amend the clause to put the 
question before voters.
 
 
 
The General Assembly has managed to submit Pritzker’s progressive tax amendment 
and now the so-called “workers’ rights” amendment, but nothing to reform the 
pension protection clause. Lawmakers are in Springfield to serve their 
communities, but their own pensions are protected by the clause: a clear 
conflict of interest, and exactly the scenario citizen-initiated amendments were 
intended to guard against.
 
 Illinois’ citizen-initiated amendment provision should be reformed to allow 
citizens a chance to weigh in on the pension protection clause. Citizen 
amendments also should be allowed to amend both procedural and structural 
subjects of the legislative article of the constitution, if not more.
 
 Illinois lawmakers have governed under this constitution since it was adopted 52 
years ago. In the past few decades the state has lost its credit rating and in 
the past eight years its population. Illinois generally seems to be on the wrong 
track.
 
 It is time to give the people of Illinois a chance to put some restraints on the 
legislature and fix their own state.
 
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