‘ComEd Four’ found guilty on all counts in bribery trial tied to
ex-Speaker Madigan
Former speaker will stand for his own corruption trial
next year
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[May 03, 2023]
By HANNAH MEISEL
Capitol News Illinois
hmeisel@capitolnewsillinois.com
CHICAGO – A federal jury on Tuesday convicted three ex-lobbyists and the
former CEO of electric utility Commonwealth Edison for their involvement
in an alleged bribery scheme aimed at longtime Illinois House Speaker
Michael Madigan.
Former ComEd CEO Anne Pramaggiore and Mike McClain – the utility’s
longtime contract lobbyist and close confidant of Madigan – were each
found guilty of nine counts of conspiracy bribery and falsifying
records. Former City Club of Chicago President Jay Doherty, who also
served for decades as an external lobbyist for the utility, and John
Hooker, a former ComEd executive turned contract lobbyist for the
company, were each found guilty of six counts.
Prosecutors alleged the foursome gave Madigan allies jobs and contracts
at the utility in exchange for an easier path for ComEd-supported
legislation in Springfield.
The four defendants were stoic as Judge Harry Leinenweber read the
verdict late Tuesday afternoon. The benches in the courtroom were filled
with friends and family of the defendants, and sniffles could be heard
in the audience as the judge read the guilty counts.
Defendants declined to comment as they left the Dirksen Federal
Courthouse, though Pramaggiore’s attorney, Scott Lassar, briefly spoke
to reporters, saying only that his team was “disappointed in the ruling”
and planned to appeal.
The six-week trial was borne of a wide-ranging federal corruption probe
that has rocked Illinois politics and ultimately unseated Madigan, who
had been the longest-serving legislative leader in the nation. The
former speaker faces related criminal racketeering charges in his own
trial, set for next April.
After the verdict Tuesday, acting U.S. attorney for the Northern
District of Illinois, Morris Pasqual, acknowledged that the bribery
alleged in this case wasn’t about cash flowing to Madigan, but rather a
more intangible benefit: increased political capital.
“This was not the $10,000 in a grocery bag in the back room; it was much
more complex,” Pasqual told reporters, flanked by the assistant U.S.
attorneys who prosecuted the case. “And the dollar amounts involved and
the gain involved was much more significant as well. So it was a
different type of (bribery) case.”
Pasqual said the government was “gratified” that “the jury saw it for
what it was.”
Tuesday’s verdict could bolster prosecutors’ case against Madigan, who,
in the course of the trial, was revealed as the initial target of the
feds’ investigation which opened in late 2014.
Since then, the probe has grown to encompass more than a dozen
high-profile players in the state’s political ecosystem.
The jury deliberated for approximately 27 hours since getting the case
last Tuesday afternoon. A sentencing date was not set before court
adjourned.
Speaking to reporters after the verdict, jury member Amanda Schnitker
Sayers said the jury grew to like the defendants over the course of the
trial.
“All in all, they’re good people that made bad decisions,” she said.
Schnitker Sayers said the jury stayed away from discussing Madigan
outside of his role in the case at hand, but said they came to believe
the speaker’s involvement with ComEd “was key.”
“He really did cause this all to happen,” she said. “If it wouldn’t have
been for him, these people would not have been in the position that they
would need to commit crimes in the first place.”
'Tier-one game’
During 21 days of testimony beginning mid-March, the jury heard from
upwards of 50 witnesses, heard dozens of wiretapped phone calls, watched
a handful of videos that were secretly recorded by a ComEd executive
turned government informant, and saw hundreds of emails and text
messages.
The most damning of the recordings tied the foursome’s actions to
Madigan – particularly the calls in which McClain described himself as
an “agent” of the speaker, saying Madigan was his “real client.”
In a February 2019 call, McClain spoke to Pramaggiore and Hooker about
the need to train someone to take his place as liaison between ComEd and
Madigan upon McClain’s eventual retirement. The need was made more
pressing after Pramaggiore had been promoted and replaced by Joe
Dominguez, whom they did not trust.
“My instinct is that I come up to Chicago and I sit down with Dominguez
and say, ‘Now look-it asshole, uh if you want to pass this bill, this is
what it requires,’” McClain said of accommodating Madigan’s requests.
“So, either you're gonna play in the tier-one game here or you're gonna
keep playing in your tier-two game. ...And if you wanna fire me today
that's fine but, uh this is like serious business, it's millions of
dollars. So either you wanna look like you're the leader, and be the
leader, but that means you've gotta authorize your people to do
things.’”
He later added: “I don't mind having a daddy talk with this guy.”
In the government’s closing arguments, Assistant U.S. Attorney Diane
MacArthur leaned on McClain’s own words to drive home the prosecution’s
case.
“(The four) spent years playing this ‘tier-one’ game to get legislation
that ComEd needed,” MacArthur said. “This was not lobbying, this was not
building goodwill, this was not politics, this was not normal business
operations. These were crimes.”
Prosecutors emphasized how ComEd benefitted financially from key pieces
of legislation passed in 2011 and 2016. The 2011 “Smart Grid” law, in
particular, pulled ComEd out of a difficult period through a “formula
rate” that automatically bypassed regulatory hurdles.
However, juror Schnitker Sayers said the jury perceived the 2016 Future
Energy Jobs Act as more corrupted by Madigan’s influence, despite the
defense’s efforts to emphasize that ComEd’s involvement in FEJA was far
less than ComEd’s parent company, Exelon, which received bailouts for
its failing nuclear facilities.
“Because by 2016 Madigan was very used to being able to just ask for
certain people to be hired. ...He was just asking for so much by then
that they were so far deep in it,” Schnitker Sayers said.
ComEd’s success also meant Pramaggiore’s success – a fact prosecutors
hammered home in their closing arguments. MacArthur highlighted a
wiretapped phone call from September 2018 in which Pramaggiore told
McClain good news about a Madigan-backed appointee to ComEd’s board.
“You take good care of me and so does our friend, and I will do the best
that I can to take care of you,” Pramaggiore said, using the same coded
language of “our friend” that McClain often used to refer to Madigan.
“You’re a good man.”
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Former ComEd CEO Anne Pramaggiore walks
away from the Dirksen Federal Courthouse in downtown Chicago on May
2 after a jury found her guilty of helping to bribe longtime House
Speaker Michael Madigan. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Andrew
Adams)
On the witness stand, Pramaggiore downplayed her effusive language – and
the fact that she called Madigan first with the news that she’d been
promoted to CEO of Exelon Utilities in the spring of 2018. That same
day, she’d told McClain her promotion “never would’ve happened without
you and John (Hooker) and the speaker.”
“I mean, really. Because the only reason that I’m in this position is
because ComEd has done so well,” Pramaggiore said in the wiretapped call
with McClain. “And you guys have been my spirit guides.”
‘Little to no work’
Job recommendations from Madigan were at the heart of the trial, ranging
from ComEd’s paid internship program – in which Madigan-recommended
students allegedly didn’t have to compete against the broader pool of
applicants – to a $78,000 one-year position on ComEd’s board. McClain
also pressured ComEd’s general counsel to contract with the law firm
headed by Victor Reyes, a prolific fundraiser for Madigan.
But prosecutors spent most of their time questioning defendants about
the $1.3 million ComEd indirectly paid to a handful of subcontractors
who did little to no work for their monthly checks.
Beginning in 2011, Madigan allies – including two former southwest side
aldermen and a pair of top precinct captains from his 13th Ward
political organization – were placed on the contracts of various outside
lobbyists for ComEd, receiving between $4,000 and $5,000 per month. They
spent the longest under Doherty’s contract, and on a secretly recorded
video played multiple times during trial, the longtime lobbyist
acknowledged the subcontractors did “not much” in exchange for their
pay.
One of those subcontractors, former Cook County commissioner and
recorder of deeds Ed Moody, testified under immunity last month,
affirming he didn’t lobby on ComEd’s behalf for the six years he was on
lobbyists’ payroll. When he first began collecting his $4,500 monthly
checks under McClain’s lobbying contract, he testified he made phone
calls and did some door-to-door canvassing at McClain’s direction,
although in closing arguments, prosecutors called Moody’s work a “joke.”
Moody also testified that his contract with McClain was a direct result
of asking Madigan to connect him with lobbying work after years of
service as a top precinct captain in the 13th Ward. He said the speaker
made it clear that his main job as McClain’s subcontractor was to keep
doing what he did best: knocking on doors and speaking to voters.
“He said: ‘Understand this, that I control that contract,’” Moody said
of Madigan. “‘If you stop doing your political work, you’ll lose that
contract.’”
McClain himself said on a wiretapped phone call in 2018 that the
subcontractors he’d had working under him didn’t do much more than “give
me pieces of paper.”
He was speaking to Madigan’s longtime political director, Will Cousineau,
who also testified under immunity earlier in the trial and acknowledged
that McClain had hoped he’d follow in his footsteps as the utility’s top
outside lobbyist.
“Not saying that will happen to you in the future, but it helps you to
be flexible,” McClain explained on that wiretapped call, referring to
requests for job placements that Madigan would make.
“Yeah, ‘Just for a few months can you hire him for a few months?’”
McClain said of Madigan’s requests. “So... you want to be nimble enough
to say, ‘of course, of course.’”
Madigan at center of complicated case
Madigan largely exited public political life in early 2021 after a
growing faction within his own House Democratic caucus vowed to deny him
an unprecedented 19th term as speaker. That pressure grew over a period
of six months after Madigan was named “Public Official A” in a federal
court filing in July 2020.
Prosecutors announced ComEd had agreed to a deferred prosecution
agreement and would pay a $200 million fine in addition to cooperating
with the feds’ investigation into the utility’s alleged bribery scheme
intended to influence Madigan.
McClain, Pramaggiore, Hooker and Doherty were indicted in November 2020,
heightening the pressure campaign against Madigan, who had been speaker
of the Illinois House for all but two years since 1983.
Madigan’s name was mentioned countless times throughout the trial.
During his closing arguments last week, McClain’s attorney, Patrick
Cotter, echoed a theme in his opening statement, saying Madigan was the
true object of prosecutors’ aims in this case.
“Be the shield that you were meant to be,” Cotter told the jury. “The
shield between an individual citizen and a very powerful government, in
this case a very powerful government committed, dedicated and on a
mission to get Mike Madigan.”
Madigan ultimately gave up the speaker’s gavel in early January 2021,
and resigned from the House seat he’d held for 50 years the next month.
Shortly after that, Madigan resigned as head of the state’s Democratic
Party, although he still maintains his longest-held elected position,
that of Chicago’s 13th Ward Democratic committeeman, which isn’t up for
another vote until next spring’s primary election.
Last March, Madigan was hit with a 22-count indictment on racketeering
and bribery charges related to the alleged ComEd bribery scheme. The
jury in this case was not told of those charges, although Schnitker
Sayers told reporters after the verdict that Madigan’s pending trial was
“common knowledge” among the jury.
That indictment also alleged Madigan used all his positions of power –
including as a partner in his real estate tax law firm – as a criminal
“enterprise” whose purpose was, in part, “to exercise, to preserve and
to enhance Madigan’s political power and financial well-being.”
McClain was indicted alongside Madigan in that case, and in October feds
added an extra charge involving telecommunications utility AT&T. In that
charge, prosecutors allege Madigan and McClain conspired with AT&T
Illinois executives and lobbyists to funnel payments to an ally of the
speaker in exchange for help passing legislation in 2017 allowing the
utility to end traditional landline service for 1.2 million customers
statewide.
Feds allege those within Madigan’s orbit used “threats, intimidation and
extortion” to achieve the powerful speaker’s aims. At the time, Madigan
denied any criminal activity.
“The government is attempting to criminalize a routine constituent
service: job recommendations,” Madigan said in a statement in March
2022. “That is not illegal, and these other charges are equally
unfounded.”
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