US Supreme Court may make it harder to prove racial gerrymandering
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[October 13, 2023]
By John Kruzel
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Supreme Court may be on the verge of
making it even harder to win legal challenges accusing state officials
of racial gerrymandering - the illegal manipulation of an electoral
district's boundaries to alter its racial composition - to dilute the
clout of Black and other minority voters.
The nine justices this week heard arguments in such a case involving the
relocation of 30,000 Black residents from South Carolina's 1st
congressional district to another one in an electoral map adopted by the
state's Republican-led legislature. The Supreme Court has been asked by
the litigants to rule on the legality of the map by the end of the year.
The legal battle is being waged in the run-up to the 2024 congressional
elections in which Democrats are hoping to win the 1st district as they
try to regain control of the U.S. House of Representatives from
Republicans. Black voters tend to favor Democratic candidates.
Gerrymandering involves redrawing electoral district boundaries to
marginalize a certain set of voters and increase the influence of
others. The Supreme Court in 2019 forbade federal courts from
intervening in cases involving gerrymandering done for partisan
advantage. Gerrymandering predominantly driven by race remains illegal.
Legislative districts across the United States are redrawn every decade
to reflect population changes. South Carolina's 1st district was
reconfigured during this redistricting process for the state's seven
U.S. House districts.
The Supreme Court's conservative justices, holding a 6-3 majority, on
Wednesday appeared ready to embrace the argument made by the Republican
officials defending the map that it was legally crafted to achieve a
partisan advantage and not with a racial motive.
"Such an outcome would send a terrible signal to states that they can
hide behind political defenses even when their means to get there is by
excessive uses of race and/or minimizing the voting power of racial
minorities," said civil rights lawyer Leah Aden of the NAACP Legal
Defense Fund, who argued the case for the plaintiffs on Wednesday.
A federal three-judge panel in January blocked the map, ruling that it
sorted voters along racial lines and reduced the influence of Black
voters in violation of the U.S. Constitution's 14th and 15th Amendments,
which guarantee equal protection under the law and prohibit race-based
voting discrimination.
A group of Black voters sued to block the use of the reconfigured
district.
Jason Torchinsky, a lawyer with the firm Holtzman Vogel who filed a
brief supporting South Carolina's position on behalf of the district's
incumbent congresswoman Nacy Mace and five other Republican members of
the state's congressional delegation, called the litigation politically
motivated.
"What these plaintiffs in these cases are doing is basically bringing
partisan gerrymandering claims and trying to dress them up as if they're
racial gerrymandering claims," Torchinsky said. "That's what's going on
here, and I think the justices are seeing that."
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The United States Supreme Court building is seen as in Washington,
U.S., October 4, 2023. REUTERS/Evelyn Hockstein/File Photo
A HEAVY BURDEN
Plaintiffs in racial gerrymandering cases long have borne a heavy
burden.
To win, they must prove that race was the predominant factor in an
electoral map's design, even in instances in which a strong
correlation exists between race and party, as in South Carolina
where Black voters overwhelming vote Democratic. Typically,
plaintiffs lack any direct evidence revealing an intent to
discriminate by those who devised the map.
In this case, the three-judge panel backed the plaintiffs. The new
map increased the district's share of white voters while reducing
its share of Black voters, which the panel referred to as
"bleaching."
"Here's a case where the state legislature targeted Black voters out
of their home district to buttress Republican voters," said David
Gans, a lawyer with the Constitutional Accountability Center liberal
legal group who filed a brief supporting the South Carolina
challengers. "But we heard some of the conservative justices say
that's not a constitutional problem."
"The bottom line is it would be much harder to bring a racial
gerrymandering claim where a state is saying that it sorted voters
to achieve a partisan end," Gans added, "even if it used race as the
means to do so."
Harvard Law School professor Nicholas Stephanopoulos, a
redistricting expert, said if the Supreme Court reverses the lower
court, "it will be even more important for plaintiffs in future
cases to disentangle race from party."
One way challengers could do so is by submitting an alternative map
that achieves the state's partisan goal but does not artificially
inflate or deflate the minority population of the challenged
district, Stephanopoulos added. None of the maps produced by the
South Carolina plaintiffs maintained Republicans' electoral
advantage in the district.
John Gore, the lawyer who argued on Wednesday on behalf of the South
Carolina officials, suggested that the alternative map requirement
had already been imposed by the Supreme Court's prior rulings - an
assertion rebuffed by liberal Justice Elena Kagan, who authored one
such ruling.
"I'm going to butt in," Kagan said, cutting off Gore. "The
alternative map requirement, I mean, doesn't exist."
Among the court's conservatives, some clearly believe that
alternative maps "are necessary in cases like this," Torchinsky
said, adding that plaintiffs have failed to produce them "because
they can't."
(Reporting by John Kruzel; Editing by Will Dunham)
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