Prosecution rests in Madigan trial as defense calls witness dropped from 
		feds’ list
		
		 
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		 [December 20, 2024]  
		By Hannah Meisel 
		
		CHICAGO – After calling 50 witnesses over the last two months, 
		prosecutors in former Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan’s federal 
		corruption trial rested their case Wednesday, followed immediately by 
		defense attorneys calling their first witness. 
		 
		Lawyers for Madigan’s close friend and co-defendant, longtime Statehouse 
		lobbyist Mike McClain, called a witness the government dropped off its 
		own list last week: retired AT&T Illinois lobbyist Steve Selcke. 
		
		Prosecutors had closed out their case detailing a 2017 episode in which 
		AT&T hired newly retired Democratic state Rep. Eddie Acevedo as a 
		consultant while the company was pushing for major legislation. The feds 
		allege Acevedo’s $22,500 no-work contract was meant as a bribe to 
		Madigan in exchange for the powerful speaker’s help pushing the 
		legislation through the General Assembly. 
		
		But Selcke insisted neither he nor any of his colleagues believed hiring 
		Acevedo had any bearing on the passage of a bill AT&T had been working 
		on for the last six years, except to prevent against “rocking the boat” 
		with Madigan’s office. 
		 
		Selcke gave essentially the same testimony in September at the separate 
		bribery trial of former AT&T Illinois president Paul La Schiazza, which 
		ended in a deadlocked jury. After prosecutors last week handed over the 
		list of the remaining witnesses they intended to call in the case, 
		Madigan attorney Dan Collins told U.S. District Judge John Blakey that 
		Selcke’s absence from the list was “not a shock” and that defense 
		lawyers had subpoenaed him instead. 
		
		  
		
		In the few hours Selcke was on the witness stand Wednesday, the former 
		lobbyist took jurors through the same events they’ve now heard about 
		three times. 
		 
		In 2017, Illinois and California were the only two states that still had 
		1930s-era laws on their books requiring AT&T to maintain its aging 
		copper landline network as the “carrier of last resort,” or COLR. AT&T’s 
		predecessor, the Bell Telephone Company, operated a nationwide monopoly 
		until its breakup in the 1980s, which obligated the company to provide 
		landline service everywhere. 
		 
		But by the early 2010s, landline customers began dropping precipitously 
		while maintaining the old copper line phone system kept getting more 
		expensive. An AT&T executive last week testified the company struggled 
		to find spare equipment on eBay, as the manufacturers had long since 
		gone out of business or stopped making replacement parts. 
		 
		AT&T adopted a national strategy to get COLR laws off the books in the 
		21 states that had adopted the requirements from the 1934 Federal 
		Communications Act. The company argued doing so would allow it to invest 
		more in wireless and internet infrastructure, bringing parity with peers 
		who weren’t beholden to COLR laws. 
		 
		Selcke noted the Illinois team’s attempts had failed in 2011, 2013 and 
		2015, though the company did have a legislative victory in 2015 that he 
		believed signaled Madigan was becoming more open to the idea of full 
		COLR relief. 
		
		And in February 2017, Selcke was proven right when the powerful speaker 
		accepted a meeting with labor leaders to discuss COLR, at least through 
		the lens of preserving union jobs. On the same day Selcke and his 
		colleagues received word about Madigan’s agreement to a meeting, one of 
		AT&T Illinois’ other two internal lobbyists received an email from 
		McClain asking if there was “even a small contract for Eddie Acevedo.” 
		
		At the time, Acevedo was newly retired from 20 years in the Illinois 
		House and looking for lobbying and consulting work along with his sons. 
		Two days later, La Schiazza emailed AT&T Illinois’ executive team, 
		saying he’d just spoken to McClain, who told him that Madigan had 
		assigned him the COLR relief bill as a “special project.” 
		 
		[to top of second column] 
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            Longtime Statehouse lobbyist Mike McClain and former Illinois House 
			Speaker Michael Madigan are pictured in file photos outside of the 
			Dirksen Federal Courthouse in Chicago. The pair are codefendants in 
			a public corruption trial. (Capitol News Illinois photos by Andrew 
			Adams) 
            
			
			
			  
		“Game on,” La Schiazza wrote in his update. 
		 
		Selcke on Wednesday said he viewed that as a “positive development” for 
		COLR, having known McClain since the late 1970s while Selcke was a 
		staffer for House Republicans and McClain was a Democratic leader of the 
		House before his decades as a lobbyist. Selcke told the jury what it’s 
		now heard dozens of times over the course of trial: McClain was close to 
		Madigan and was viewed as the powerful speaker’s emissary. 
		 
		But it wasn’t until more than two months later that Selcke and his 
		colleagues were able to offer Acevedo a nine-month consulting contract, 
		which he initially turned down in a contentious meeting. Selcke said 
		Wednesday that he remembered Acevedo being insulted by the 
		$2,500-per-month offer, though he ultimately accepted. 
		 
		“Did you at any time think that in exchange, that would result in 
		Speaker Madigan allowing COLR to pass?” McClain attorney John Mitchell 
		asked Selcke Wednesday. 
		 
		“I did not have the feeling that that would result in the speaker 
		allowing passage,” Selcke answered. 
		 
		“Did any of your colleagues ever tell you that they intended to trade a 
		$2,500-a-month job offer to Acevedo in exchange for Speaker Madigan’s 
		allowing for passage of the COLR relief bill?” Mitchell asked. 
		 
		“No,” Selcke said. 
		 
		Mitchell showed Selcke emails in which he and his colleagues discuss 
		“getting credit” for fulfilling McClain’s request and achieving the 
		“ultimate objective.” Selcke said he and his colleagues only wanted to 
		put La Schiazza in a position to go back to McClain to say they’d found 
		something legitimate for Acevedo to do, though the former lawmaker never 
		actually wrote the Latino Caucus-focused report he was supposedly hired 
		to complete. 
		 
		Selcke said he was “not aware of” anyone ever suggesting that McClain 
		would tell Madigan to kill the COLR bill had AT&T not offered Acevedo a 
		contract. 
		 
		He explained Wednesday that a pair of GOP House members had warned that 
		hiring Acevedo as a lobbyist might hurt AT&T’s hopes for a bipartisan 
		vote on a COLR bill. At the time, consultants did not need to publicly 
		register like lobbyists did, which is why Selcke suggested the company 
		retain Acevedo as a consultant instead. 
			
		
		  
			
		Madigan attorney Todd Pugh also asked Selcke whether there was a 
		connection between Acevedo’s contract and COLR’s eventual passage. 
		 
		“In my mind, it didn’t have any impact on our responsibility and effort 
		to go get votes relative to the bill,” Selcke said. “It did have some 
		degree of tangential impact because we didn’t want to rock the boat with 
		the speaker’s office.” 
		 
		Selcke’s testimony will continue Thursday on the trial’s last scheduled 
		day before the jury is seated again on Jan. 2. 
			
		
		
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