Donald Trump wants to control the Justice Department and FBI. His allies
have a plan
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[May 17, 2024]
By Gram Slattery, Sarah N. Lynch and Andrew Goudsward
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Some of Donald Trump's allies are assembling
proposals to curtail the Justice Department's independence and turn the
nation's top law enforcement body into an attack dog for conservative
causes, nine people involved in the effort told Reuters.
If successful, the overhaul could represent one of the most
consequential actions of a second Trump presidency given the Justice
Department's role in protecting democratic institutions and upholding
the rule of law.
It would also mark a dramatic departure from the department's mission
statement, which identifies "independence and impartiality" as core
values.
Trump, who has been indicted on dozens of criminal charges by the
Justice Department, has vowed on the campaign trail to overhaul the
agency if he wins the presidential election on Nov. 5 and pledged to use
it to pursue his own opponents, including Democratic President Joe
Biden.
The plan is essentially twofold, according to the nine people
interviewed by Reuters, some of whom requested anonymity to discuss
internal deliberations.
First: flood the Justice Department with stalwart conservatives unlikely
to say "no" to controversial orders from the White House. Second:
restructure the department so key decisions are concentrated in the
hands of administration loyalists rather than career bureaucrats.
The FBI - which many Republicans see as biased against them - would have
new constraints on its authority, with many of its responsibilities
shifted to other law enforcement agencies, those people said.
"Trump feels that the DoJ has institutional problems," said Steve Bannon,
a prominent Trump ally who was prosecuted by the Justice Department and
convicted for contempt of Congress. "It's not just personnel: you do
need to purge the DoJ, but you also need to reform it."
Overhauling the Justice Department would allow the Trump administration
to pursue conservative policy initiatives such as dismantling hiring
programs meant to boost diversity in the workplace and ending federal
oversight of police departments accused of racist practices.
In response to questions from Reuters, the Trump campaign pointed to a
December statement from co-campaign managers Susie Wiles and Chris
LaCivita.
"Unless a message is coming directly from President Trump or an
authorized member of his campaign team, no aspect of future presidential
staffing or policy announcements should be deemed official," they said.
The campaign itself has few full-time policy staffers. Trump and his
team are in frequent contact with outside groups, such as those
formulating recommendations on the Justice Department.
With Trump holding a lead in most swing states likely to decide
November's election, the former president's advisers may have a shot at
putting their ideas into practice.
Trump's promises to remodel the Justice Department have been well
documented, but less attention has been given to identifying the
specific measures his allies and advisers are advocating.
Two prominent Trump allies told Reuters they support eliminating the
FBI's general counsel, an office that enraged Republicans during Trump's
2017-2021 term for its role in approving an inquiry into contacts
between his 2016 campaign and Russian officials.
The general counsel provides legal advice to FBI employees regarding
ongoing probes and other matters. Closing it would force the bureau to
receive legal guidance from people closer to Trump's attorney general in
the chain-of-command and limit the FBI's ability to conduct
investigations without close political oversight, according to several
Trump supporters and legal professionals with knowledge of the
department's workings.
Biden campaign spokesperson Ammar Mousa said in a statement that Trump
and his allies "were putting Trump's own revenge and retribution ahead
of what is best for America." The FBI did not immediately respond to a
request for comment.
'NOT STANDARD POLITICS'
Trump's allies argue that, as head of the executive branch, the
president should have broad powers to command and oversee the Justice
Department as he or she sees fit.
Most Democrats and even some Republicans reject that view. They say the
Justice Department requires an unusual amount of independence because
it's responsible for administering justice in a non-partisan fashion. At
times, that mandate includes investigating a president's close political
allies.
"There are always enforcement disputes ... That is standard politics,"
said Kristy Parker, a former federal prosecutor who is now at Protect
Democracy, a non-profit legal advocacy organization.
"What is not standard politics is somebody basically coming in and
saying we are going to jettison the idea that the Department of Justice
should have a wall of separation between it and the personal political
agenda of the president."
Many Trump allies making these proposals are affiliated with a
consortium of conservative think tanks known as "Project 2025", which
has been making detailed plans for a second Trump presidency. In a
statement to Reuters, Project 2025 said it could not speak for the Trump
campaign.
These allies are also combing through federal regulations for novel ways
to bring stalwart conservatives into the Justice Department at the start
of a potential Trump term, according to two people with knowledge of
those deliberations.
These detailed preparations contrast with Trump's chaotic 2016
transition, which involved relatively little policy planning, several
people involved have acknowledged.
The former president spent the opening months of his first
administration butting heads with his attorney general and FBI director,
both of whom angered the president by failing to halt inquiries into his
2016 campaign.
It's an experience, according to several associates who speak to Trump,
that he's determined not to repeat.
Trump currently faces a total of 88 charges in four criminal cases - two
of which have been brought by the DoJ - over efforts to subvert the 2020
election, retaining classified documents after leaving office, and
alleged efforts to cover up a hush money payment to a porn star.
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Former president Donald Trump attends his trial at Manhattan
Criminal Court for falsifying documents related to hush money
payments, in New York, NY, U.S., May 16, 2024. Victor J. Blue/Pool
via REUTERS/File Photo
The 77-year-old denies wrongdoing in all the cases and points to the
charges as proof the Justice Department is biased against him. The
department denies this and says it conducts all of its probes
impartially.
Attorney General Merrick Garland on Thursday deplored what he called
"a series of unprecedented and frankly unfounded attacks on the
Justice Department."
While promising to establish a non-partisan justice system, Trump
has called for many of his political opponents to be arrested. Last
June, he pledged in a post on Truth Social to have a "special
prosecutor" probe the 81-year-old Biden.
CONTROL OVER FBI
Some allies stop short of embracing Trump's rhetoric of revenge. But
they agree Trump should have greater control over the Justice
Department and FBI.
"Whenever you have power centers ... that have enormous resources,
coercive power and investigative tools at their disposal, and they
are presumed to be independent of any control down the chain of
command from the president, that is a recipe for abuse of power,"
said Steve Bradbury, a former Justice official who briefly served as
Trump's acting Transportation Secretary.
In interviews with Reuters, Bradbury and Gene Hamilton, a senior
Justice Department official under Trump, both endorsed the measure
to eliminate the FBI's general counsel.
They said they do not speak for Trump, but both are contributing
ideas to Project 2025. Hamilton is a trusted lieutenant of Stephen
Miller, one of Trump's closest policy advisers. Miller did not
respond to requests for comment.
Both Bradbury and Hamilton also endorsed changing the Justice
Department's chain of command so the FBI director reports to a pair
of politically appointed assistant attorneys general.
The director currently reports to the deputy attorney general, a
more senior official who in practice is too busy and has too large a
portfolio to oversee and guide FBI probes, Bradbury said.
Bradbury and other legal experts said that change could be done
without congressional authorization. He said these steps are
necessary to ensure that the bureau's enforcement priorities align
with the White House's policy preferences. Detractors say these
measures will undermine the independence of the Justice Department
and the FBI.
Some Trump allies and advisers also want to narrow dramatically the
types of crimes the FBI can investigate, arguing the bureau's focus
is too sprawling for political appointees to oversee effectively.
In a publicly available policy memo, which was published last July
but received little attention, Bradbury said other law enforcement
agencies, like the Drug Enforcement Administration, could take the
lead where their jurisdiction overlaps with the bureau.
The remnants of the bureau, Bradbury wrote, could focus exclusively
on "large-scale crimes and threats to national security" that
require a federal response.
PERSONNEL IS POLICY
As important as restructuring the department, Trump allies argue, is
ensuring it is stacked with allies unlikely to slow-walk Trump's
demands.
Trump has publicly embraced a potential executive order known as
"Schedule F" that would give him the power to replace thousands of
civil servants with conservative allies.
That would allow his administration to expand the number of
political appointments in the Justice Department, which sits in the
low hundreds, though allies have not settled on precisely how many
positions could be created.
Some Trump allies at Project 2025 also want to expand the use of the
Intergovernmental Personnel Act, an obscure statute that allows
departments to bring in outside experts with the help of
non-profits, several people with knowledge of those deliberations
said.
AFSCME Local 2830, a union representing some Justice Department
employees, said in a statement to Reuters it is "concerned that
Trump officials will fill positions to further their partisan agenda
instead of impartially carrying out federal laws and regulations and
upholding the Constitution."
With the right structure and personnel in place, Trump will be
better prepared to pursue conservative policy goals, his supporters
say. While his allies have floated dozens of ideas, many relate
broadly to how the federal government polices civil rights.
For instance, Hamilton argued that the Justice Department should
examine whether corporations are discriminating against whites by
instituting programs designed to boost the number of people of color
in the workplace.
The department could derive its authority, he said, from the 1964
Civil Rights Act, which bars hiring or compensation decisions based
on "race" or "sex."
Hamilton also called for radically curtailing court-monitored
settlements known as "consent decrees" between the Justice
Department and local police departments, which are used to help curb
civil rights abuses against people of color, the disabled and the
mentally ill.
Conservatives portray these agreements as heavy-handed federal
actions that interfere with local agencies trying to fight crime.
Rights advocates say such arguments ignore centuries of documented
inequities.
Christy Lopez, a Georgetown professor who formerly served as a
Justice Department Civil Rights Division official, said the
department reduced its police accountability work during Trump's
first term.
"There's no reason to believe that his administration won't double
down," she said.
(Reporting by Gram Slattery, Sarah N. Lynch and Andrew Goudsward;
Editing by Ross Colvin and Daniel Flynn)
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