As Hezbollah and Israel battle on the border, Lebanon's army watches
from the sidelines
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[October 12, 2024]
By ABBY SEWELL
BEIRUT (AP) — Since Israel launched its ground invasion of Lebanon,
Israeli forces and Hezbollah militants have clashed along the border
while the Lebanese army has largely stood on the sidelines.
It's not the first time the national army has found itself watching war
at home from the discomfiting position of bystander.
Lebanon's widely beloved army is one of the few institutions that bridge
the country's sectarian and political divides. Several army commanders
have become president, and the current commander, Gen. Joseph Aoun, is
widely regarded as one of the front-runners to step in when the
deadlocked parliament fills a two-year vacuum and names a president.
But with an aging arsenal and no air defenses, and battered by five
years of economic crisis, the national army is ill-prepared to defend
Lebanon against either aerial bombardment or a ground offensive by a
well-equipped modern army like Israel’s.
The army is militarily overshadowed by Hezbollah. The Lebanese army has
about 80,000 troops, with around 5,000 of them deployed in the south.
Hezbollah has more than 100,000 fighters, according to the militant
group’s late leader, Hassan Nasrallah. Its arsenal — built with support
from Iran — is also more advanced.
A cautious initial response
Israeli forces and Hezbollah fighters have been clashing since Oct. 8,
2023, when the Lebanese militant group began firing rockets over the
border in support of its ally Hamas in Gaza.
In recent weeks, Israel has conducted a major aerial bombardment of
Lebanon and a ground invasion that it says aims to push Hezbollah back
from the border and allow displaced residents of northern Israel to
return.
As Israeli troops made their first forays across the border and
Hezbollah responded with rocket fire, Lebanese soldiers withdrew from
observation posts along the frontier and repositioned about 5 kilometers
(3 miles) back.
So far, Israeli forces have not advanced that far. The only direct
clashes between the two national armies were on Oct. 3, when Israeli
tank fire hit a Lebanese army position in the area of Bint Jbeil,
killing a soldier, and on Friday, when two soldiers were killed in an
airstrike in the same area. The Lebanese army said it returned fire both
times.
Lebanon's army declined to comment on how it will react if Israeli
ground forces advance farther.
Analysts familiar with the army’s workings said that, should the Israeli
incursion reach the current army positions, Lebanese troops would put up
a fight — but a limited one.
The army's “natural and automatic mission is to defend Lebanon against
any army that may enter Lebanese territory,” said former Lebanese Army
Gen. Hassan Jouni. “Of course, if the Israeli enemy enters, it will
defend, but within the available capabilities … without going to the
point of recklessness or suicide.”
Israeli and Lebanese armies are ‘a total overmatch’
The current Israeli invasion of Lebanon is its fourth into the
neighboring country in the past 50 years. In most of the previous
invasions, the Lebanese army played a similarly peripheral role.
The one exception, said Aram Nerguizian, a senior associate with the
Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, was in
1972, when Israel attempted to create a 20-kilometer (12-mile) buffer
zone to push back Palestinian Liberation Organization fighters.
At that time, Nerguizian said, the Lebanese army successfully slowed the
pace of the Israeli advance and “bought time for political leadership in
Beirut to seek the intervention of the international community to
pressure Israel for a cease-fire.”
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Flames and smoke rise from an Israeli airstrike in Dahiyeh, Beirut,
Lebanon, Sunday, Oct. 6, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein, File)
But the internal situation in Lebanon — and the army's capabilities
— deteriorated with the outbreak of a 15-year civil war in 1975,
during which both Israeli and Syrian forces occupied parts of the
country.
Hezbollah was the only faction that was allowed to keep its weapons
after the civil war, for the stated goal of resisting Israeli
occupation of southern Lebanon — which ended in 2000.
By 2006, when Hezbollah and Israel fought a bruising monthlong war,
the Lebanese army “had not been able to invest in any real-world
post-war modernization, had no ability to deter Israeli air power"
and “was left completely exposed,” Nerguizian said. “The few times
that the (Lebanese army) and Israeli forces did engage militarily,
there was total overmatch.”
International aid has been a mixed blessing
After the 2011 outbreak of civil war in neighboring Syria and the
rise of the Islamic State militant group there, the Lebanese army
saw a new influx of military aid. It successfully battled against IS
on Lebanon’s border in 2017, although not alone — Hezbollah was
simultaneously attacking the group on the other side of the border.
When Lebanon’s financial system and currency collapsed in 2019, the
army took a hit. It had no budget to buy weapons and maintain its
existing supplies, vehicles and aircraft. An average soldier’s
salary is now worth around $220 per month, and many resorted to
working second jobs. At one point, the United States and Qatar both
gave a monthly subsidy for soldiers’ salaries.
The U.S. had been a primary funder of the Lebanese army before the
crisis. It has given some $3 billion in military aid since 2006,
according to the State Department, which said in a statement that it
aims “to enable the Lebanese military to be a stabilizing force
against regional threats" and “strengthen Lebanon’s sovereignty,
secure its borders, counter internal threats, and disrupt terrorist
facilitation.”
President Joe Biden's administration has also touted the Lebanese
army as a key part of any diplomatic solution to the current war,
with hopes that an increased deployment of its forces would supplant
Hezbollah in the border area.
But that support has limits. Aid to the Lebanese army has sometimes
been politically controversial within the U.S., with some
legislators arguing that it could fall into the hands of Hezbollah,
although there is no evidence that has happened.
In Lebanon, many believe that the U.S. has blocked the army from
obtaining more advanced weaponry that might allow it to defend
against Israel — America’s strongest ally in the region and the
recipient of at least $17.9 billion in U.S. military aid in the year
since the war in Gaza began.
“It is my personal opinion that the United States does not allow the
(Lebanese) military to have advanced air defense equipment, and this
matter is related to Israel,” said Walid Aoun, a retired Lebanese
army general and military analyst.
Nerguizian said the perception is “not some conspiracy or
half-truth," noting that the U.S. has enacted a legal requirement to
support Israel's qualitative military edge relative to all other
militaries in the region.
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Associated Press writer Matt Lee in Washington contributed to this
report.
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