Putin hosts a summit in a bid to show the West it can't keep Russia off
the global stage
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[October 21, 2024] By
DASHA LITVINOVA
In the coming days, Russian President Vladimir Putin will be shaking
hands with multiple world leaders, including China’s Xi Jinping, India’s
Narendra Modi, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Iran’s Masoud
Pezeshkian.
They will all be in the Russian city of Kazan on Tuesday for a meeting
of the BRICS bloc of developing economies, defying predictions that the
war in Ukraine and an international arrest warrant against Putin would
turn him into a pariah.
The alliance, which aims to counterbalance the Western-led world order,
initially included Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, but
started to rapidly expand this year. Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, the United
Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia joined in January; Turkey, Azerbaijan and
Malaysia formally applied, and a number of others expressed a desire to
be members.
Russian officials already see it as a massive success. Putin’s foreign
policy aide Yuri Ushakov said 32 countries confirmed participation, and
more than 20 will send heads of state. Putin will hold around 20
bilateral meetings, Ushakov said, and the summit could turn into “the
largest foreign policy event ever held” on Russian soil.
Optics and deals for the Kremlin
Analysts say the Kremlin wants both the optics of standing
shoulder-to-shoulder with its global allies amid continued tensions with
the West, as well as the practicality of negotiating deals with them to
shore up Russia's economy and its war effort. For the other
participants, it’s a chance to amplify their voices and narratives.
“The beauty of BRICS is that it doesn’t put too many obligations on
you,” says Alexander Gabuyev, director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia
Center. “There are not that many strings attached, really, to being part
of BRICS. And at the same time, there might be interesting opportunities
coming your way, including just having more face time with all of these
leaders.”
For Putin, the summit is important personally because it shows the
failure of Western efforts to isolate him, Gabuyev says.
The gathering will demonstrate at home and abroad that “Russia is really
an important player that is leading this new group that will end the
Western dominance -– that’s his personal narrative,” he says.
The Kremlin will be able to talk to major players like India and China
about expanding trade and bypassing Western sanctions. India is an
important market for Russian commodities, while China is where Moscow
hopes to get its hands on dual-use and various military-related goods,
Gabuyev says.
Russia also wants more countries participating in a payment system
project that would be an alternative to the global bank messaging
network SWIFT, allowing Moscow to trade with its partners without
worrying about sanctions.
“The Russian idea is that if you create a platform where there is China,
Russia, India and Brazil and Saudi Arabia, many countries that are vital
partners for the U.S., the U.S. will not be ready to go after this
platform and sanction it,” Gabuyev said.
Goals for Iran and China
Russia also is expected to sign a “comprehensive strategic partnership”
treaty with Iran, bolstering the increasingly close ties between Moscow
and Tehran.
After the invasion of Ukraine, Iran provided Moscow with hundreds of
drones and helped launch their production in Russia. The Iranian drone
deliveries, which Moscow and Tehran have denied, have allowed for a
constant barrage of long-range drone strikes at Ukraine’s
infrastructure.
Iran, in turn, wants sophisticated Russian weapons, like long-range air
defense systems and fighter jets to help fend off a possible attack by
Israel. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov refused to comment when asked
whether the treaty will include mutual military assistance.
For China, BRICS is among several international organizations -– along
with the security-focused Shanghai Cooperation Organization -– through
which it seeks to promote an alternative to the U.S.-led world order.
Xi pushed for enlarging BRICS, and the Kazan summit will consolidate
economic, technological and military ties in the expanded bloc, said
Willy Lam, a senior China fellow at the Jamestown Foundation.
[to top of second column] |
Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, speaks to Chinese President
Xi Jinping at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in
Samarkand, Uzbekistan, on Sept. 16, 2022. (Sergei Bobylev, Sputnik,
Kremlin Pool Photo via AP, File)
Beijing and Moscow also want to see
if a new international trading currency could "challenge so-called
dollar hegemony,” Lam said.
The summit will allow Xi and Putin to flaunt their close
relationship. The two, who announced a “no-limits” partnership only
weeks before Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, already have met at
least twice this year, in Beijing in May and at a SCO summit in
Kazakhstan in July.
Although they will continue to present a united front, experts are
watching for subtle signs of Xi distancing himself from Putin over
the war.
“While Putin will want the China-Russia relationship to appear as
good as ever, Xi may also want to signal to Western states and
others that Beijing officially remains ‘neutral’ in Russia’s war in
Ukraine and is not a formal ally of Moscow,” said Eva Seiwert, a
foreign policy and security expert with the Mercator Institute for
China Studies in Berlin.
“This will be crucial for conveying the image of China as a serious
and legitimate peacemaker in the Russia-Ukraine conflict.”
Balancing acts for India and Turkey
An expected Modi-Putin meeting could see some rebalancing of their
ties. Western friends want India to be more active in persuading
Moscow to end the war. Modi has avoided condemning Russia while
emphasizing a peaceful settlement.
New Delhi considers Moscow a time-tested partner from the Cold War,
cooperating on defense, oil, nuclear energy, and space, despite
Russia’s closer ties with India’s main rival, China.
Their meeting will be the second in months. Modi visited Russia in
July, saw President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Ukraine in August and
traveled to the U.S. to see President Joe Biden in September.
“India can’t simply abandon Russia because of its deep defense ties,
the question of the regional balance of power, and the logic of
multi-alignment," said Raja Mohan, a professor at the Institute of
South Asian Studies in Singapore. "At the same time, it also builds
and develops its relations with the U.S. and the West because that
is where the logic of India’s major economic development and
technological growth depends on partnership.”
India and Brazil view BRICS primarily through an economic lens to
promote a more equitable distribution of power in the international
system, while “China and Russia see it more as a geopolitical
forum,” said Chietigi Bajpayee, who studies South Asia at the
Chatham House in London.
India and Brazil also don't want to be “pulled into China's
gravitational orbit,” said Theresa Fallon of the Center for Russia,
Europe, Asia Studies.
Another key participant is Turkey, which has applied to join the
BRICS group. That comes at a time when the NATO member and European
Union candidate is increasingly frustrated with the West. Turkey’s
EU membership talks have stalled since 2016 due to disputes with
Cyprus and concerns over human rights.
Turkey’s relations with Washington have been strained over its
removal from the F-35 fighter jet program after procuring a Russian
missile defense system. Erdogan also has accused the U.S. and other
Western allies of alleged “complicity” in Israel’s military actions
in Gaza.
Membership in BRICS would help Erdogan “strengthen his own hand” at
a time when ties with the West are at a low, said Gonul Tol,
director of the U.S.-based Middle East Institute’s Turkey program.
Middle powers like Turkey “try to extract more from both camps by
being in-between camps, by having one foot in each camp,” he said.
___
Litvinova reported from Tallinn, Estonia. Associated Press writers
Harriet Morris in Tallinn; Simina Mistreanu in Taipei, Taiwan; Ashok
Sharma in New Delhi; and Suzan Fraser in Ankara, Turkey, contributed
to this report.
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