ComEd execs joked Madigan co-defendant was ‘double agent,’ utility’s
former top lawyer testifies
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[October 31, 2024]
By Hannah Meisel
CHICAGO – For decades, electric utility Commonwealth Edison renewed its
contract with top Springfield lobbyist Mike McClain – in part because of
his strategic abilities, but also because of his close relationship with
longtime Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan.
But it was this closeness with Madigan that led ComEd officials to
jokingly refer to McClain as a “double agent,” the utility’s former lead
attorney on Tuesday told a federal jury tasked with weighing bribery and
racketeering charges against Madigan and McClain.
In addition to his other corporate clients, ex-ComEd lawyer Tom O’Neill
said McClain “counted the speaker as a client” – something the jury has
already heard McClain himself say on wiretapped recordings played in
court last week.
“It was hard to know which client he was serving,” O’Neill said. “Seemed
he had a lot of clients, a lot of interests, and sometimes he was
serving his own interests.”
The interests motivating McClain were most difficult to parse, O’Neill
said, when the lobbyist would pass along the name of someone he wanted
ComEd to hire or contract with. During his years as the utility’s top
attorney, and later when he was serving as general counsel for ComEd’s
parent company, Exelon, O’Neill grew to understand that McClain was
often asking for job-related favors for people connected with Madigan.
Job recommendations are central to prosecutors’ theory that Madigan,
through McClain, solicited bribes in the form of jobs and contracts at
ComEd for the speaker’s political allies. In exchange, the feds allege,
ComEd had an easier time getting key legislation across the finish line
in Springfield.
McClain was already convicted for his role in bribing the former speaker
after last year’s “ComEd Four” trial, though he and his three
co-defendants are challenging their convictions.
O’Neill’s 10 hours on the witness stand Monday and Tuesday marked a
repeat performance from his appearance in last year’s trial, where he
testified about all the same areas – and gave substantially similar
answers.
Under questioning from McClain’s attorney about how often McClain
actually made the recommendations, O’Neill testified that “sometimes it
appeared that was all he did” – but immediately added that in reality,
it was probably not that frequent an occurrence.
McClain’s persistence when checking in on the status of those
recommendations could sometimes be overbearing, O’Neill said. However,
he told defense attorneys, he didn’t think the job recommendations were
necessarily improper and certainly didn’t feel McClain’s behavior
violated ComEd’s code of business conduct.
And McClain was far from the only lobbyist who passed along names from
elected officials for job recommendations at ComEd, O’Neill testified.
He said he also came to understand that accepting the names and
considering them – whether a recommended person was ultimately hired or
not – was part of building goodwill with elected officials.
“You have to give to get in most cases,” O’Neill said, following up with
a phrase he learned from ComEd’s former top internal lobbyist. “John
Hooker used to say that ‘you have to show people you care before they
care what you know.’”
Hooker was convicted last year alongside McClain.
McClain’s attorney, Patrick Cotter, also took O’Neill through a list of
names McClain had passed on to him and other officials at ComEd who the
utility never ended up hiring – including Madigan’s own son-in-law.
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The Dirksen Federal Courthouse in Chicago, where former Illinois
House Speaker Michael Madigan is on trial for bribery, racketeering,
extortion and wire fraud. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Hannah
Meisel)
Asked if he was comfortable saying no to McClain’s job recommendations,
O’Neill replied, “At times, yes.”
Upon further questioning from Cotter, O’Neill agreed that he never felt
as if saying ‘no’ to McClain would put ComEd’s legislation in danger.
O’Neill also repeatedly said ‘no’ when asked if McClain ever said
ComEd’s legislative strategy hinged on hiring Madigan’s allies. He also
said he never believed the passage of the 2011 law that kicked off
ComEd’s financial recovery after a long downturn was related to a
contract he approved with an attorney he later learned was a prolific
fundraiser for the speaker. The contract between ComEd and the Reyes
Kurson law firm was the subject of much of O’Neill’s Monday testimony.
But when it was Assistant U.S. Attorney Sarah Streicker’s turn to
question O’Neill again after cross-examination, she immediately sought
to undercut his answers that he didn’t believe job recommendations had
anything to do with ComEd’s legislative success, suggesting that O’Neill
might have just been in the dark about deals made in private.
Streicker asked if there were meetings or phone calls he was not privy
to, including those between McClain and his boss, then-ComEd CEO Anne
Pramaggiore, who was also convicted alongside McClain last year. He
acknowledged that he wasn’t present during the pair’s every
conversation.
“Were you involved in any conversation between Mr. Madigan and Mr.
McClain at this time?” she asked.
“I was not,” O’Neill replied.
O’Neill’s testimony also got into another job recommendation central to
the feds’ theory of bribery: the appointment of businessman Juan Ochoa
to ComEd’s board.
Ochoa was the only name considered after former board member Jesse Ruiz
stepped down in late 2017 in preparation to run for Illinois attorney
general. O’Neill confirmed that those involved in replacing Ruiz were
interested in appointing another Latino to the $78,000-per-year job.
According to emails shown to the jury Wednesday, Ochoa had sent his
resume to a Madigan staffer, who in turn forwarded it directly to
Pramaggiore.
A “due diligence” background check conducted on Ochoa also pulled up
items from Ochoa’s past – including a property he owned that was
foreclosed upon after he’d stopped paying the mortgage. But O’Neill said
those things weren’t immediately disqualifying.
O’Neill said he was more concerned with the “optics” of seating a person
recommended by Madigan.
“I felt that having someone recommended by or close to the speaker would
sort of feed the narrative that we were too close,” he testified.
But, O’Neill said, Pramaggiore kept pushing for Ochoa’s appointment, and
finally after more than a year and a half, Ochoa was seated on the board
in April 2019.
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