Justice Department's independence is threatened as Trump's team asserts
power over cases and staff
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[February 17, 2025]
By ERIC TUCKER and ALANNA DURKIN RICHER
WASHINGTON (AP) — Pam Bondi had insisted at her Senate confirmation
hearing that as attorney general, her Justice Department would not “play
politics.”
Yet in the month since the Trump administration took over the building,
a succession of actions has raised concerns the department is doing
exactly that.
Top officials have demanded the names of thousands of FBI agents who
investigated the Capitol riot, sued a state attorney general who had won
a massive fraud verdict against Donald Trump before the 2024 election,
and ordered the dismissal of a criminal case against New York Mayor Eric
Adams by saying the charges had handicapped the Democrat's ability to
partner in the Republican administration's fight against illegal
immigration.
Even for a department that has endured its share of scandals, the moves
have produced upheaval not seen in decades, tested its independence and
rattled the foundations of an institution that has long prided itself on
being driven solely by facts, evidence and the law. As firings and
resignations mount, the unrest raises the question of whether a
president who raged against his own Justice Department during his first
term can succeed in bending it to his will in his second.
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“We have seen now a punishing ruthlessness that acting department
leadership and the attorney general are bringing to essentially
subjugate the workforce to the wishes and demands of the administration,
even when it’s obvious” that some of the decisions have all the signs
"of corrupting the criminal justice system,” said retired federal
prosecutor David Laufman, a senior department official across Democratic
and Republican administrations.
He spoke not long after Manhattan’s top federal prosecutor, Danielle
Sassoon, resigned in protest following a directive from Emil Bove, the
Justice Department's acting No. 2 official, to dismiss the case against
Adams.
In a letter foreshadowing her decision, Sassoon accused the department
of acceding to a “quid pro quo” — dropping the case to ensure Adams’
help with Trump’s immigration agenda. Though a Democrat, Adams had for
months positioned himself as eager to aid the administration's effort in
America's largest city, even meeting privately with Trump at Trump's
Florida estate just days before the Republican took office.
Multiple high-ranking officials who oversaw the Justice Department's
public integrity section, which prosecutes corruption cases, joined
Sassoon in resigning.
On Friday, a prosecutor involved in the Adams case, Hagan Scotten,
became at least the seventh person to quit in the standoff, telling Bove
in a letter that it would take a “fool” or a “coward” to meet his demand
to drop the charges. (Bove and department lawyers in Washington
ultimately filed paperwork Friday night to end the case).
Though the circumstances are significantly different, the wave of
resignations conjured memories of the 1973 “Saturday Night Massacre”
when multiple Justice Department leaders quit rather than carry out
President Richard Nixon's orders to fire the Watergate special
prosecutor.
“Even though there may not be more resignations, a clear message has
been sent about the objectives and the expectations of the department,”
said Alberto Gonzales, who served as attorney general under Republican
President George W. Bush until his 2007 resignation in the wake of the
dismissal of several U.S. attorneys.
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“The purpose of the department is to ensure that our laws are carried
out, that those who engage in criminal wrongdoing are prosecuted and
punished,” Gonzales said. And to some it may appear “that if you have
some kind of relationship with the White House, there may not be
consequences for doing something that ordinary Americans engaged in
similar conduct would be punished.”
Bove, a former New York federal prosecutor himself who represented Trump
in his criminal cases, pointedly made no assessment about the legal
merits of the case against Adams. Bove cited political reasons,
including the timing of the charges months before Adams' presumed
reelection campaign and the restrictions the case had placed on the
mayor's ability to fight illegal immigration and violent crime.
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Attorney General Pam Bondi speaks at a news conference regarding
immigration enforcement at the Justice Department, Wednesday, Feb.
12, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Ben Curtis)
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In a letter to Sassoon, Bove said case prosecutors would be subject to
internal investigations.
Bondi defended the decision to drop the case, asserting in a Fox News
interview Friday that Adams was targeted after he criticized the Biden
administration's immigration policies. Her chief of staff, Chad Mizelle,
said prosecutors who refused the dismissal order have “no place at DOJ.”
“The decision to dismiss the indictment of Eric Adams is yet another
indication that this DOJ will return to its core function of prosecuting
dangerous criminals, not pursuing politically motivated witch hunts,"
Mizelle said in a statement that accused prosecutors without evidence of
"disordered and ulterior motives."
At the White House on Friday, Trump said he was “not involved” in the
Adams case and knew “nothing” about it.
The New York showdown follows a separate dispute between Bove and the
acting FBI leadership over his demands for a list of agents involved in
the investigations of the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol so the
Justice Department could determine whether personnel action was
warranted.
The request was seen by some as a precursor to possible mass firings,
but it was also consistent with Trump's fury over those criminal cases,
which he erased with sweeping pardons soon after his inauguration.
Bove referred to the acting FBI director's resistance to his directive
as an act of “insubordination” and said agents who “simply followed”
orders would not lose their jobs but those who acted with “partisan
intent” were at risk.
In between White House terms, Trump and his allies pressed the case that
the Justice Department had become “weaponized” against conservatives and
him in particular, citing separate indictments that were later dismissed
after Trump won back the presidency in November.
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On her first day on the job, Bondi announced the creation of a
“Weaponization Working Group,” to scrutinize the prosecutors who brought
criminal and civil cases against Trump and to examine the Jan. 6
prosecutions. She wrote in a memo that the department “must take
immediate and overdue steps to restore integrity and credibility” and to
ensure that personnel were “ready and willing” to implement the
president's agenda.
The group, notably, was not tasked with examining other politically
sensitive matters more favorable to Trump, including a special counsel's
investigation of Democratic President Joe Biden's handling of classified
information or the prosecution of Biden's son Hunter, who was convicted
of gun and tax charges before receiving a pardon from his father in
December.
Among the prosecutors singled out by the working group was special
counsel Jack Smith, who brought two criminal cases against Trump, and
New York Attorney General Letitia James, whose civil fraud suit against
Trump led to a nearly $500 million judgment.
A frequent target of Trump’s ire, James would surface again days later
when Bondi, in her first news conference, announced a lawsuit against
the state of New York over a law that allows people who might not be in
the U.S. legally to get a driver’s license. Bondi opened her remarks by
saying she had “filed charges” against James and Democratic Gov. Kathy
Hochul, before later clarifying that she was referring to a lawsuit.
More departures — and more turmoil — could be ahead.
“The prospect of the hollowing out of the Justice Department and the
(FBI) is now a live and dangerous risk being played out,” said Laufman,
the retired prosecutor. “Where it goes from here, we just can't
currently assess.”
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