Biden says he was the steady hand the world needed after Trump, who's
ready to shake things up again
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[January 13, 2025]
By AAMER MADHANI
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Joe Biden strode into the White House four
years ago with a foreign policy agenda that put repairing alliances
strained by four years of Republican Donald Trump's “America First”
worldview front and center.
The one-term Democrat took office in the throes of the worst global
pandemic in a century and his plans were quickly stress-tested by a
series of complicated international crises: the chaotic U.S. withdrawal
from Afghanistan, Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, and Hamas' brutal
2023 attack on Israel that triggered the ongoing war in the Middle East.
As Biden prepares to leave office, he remains insistent that his
one-term presidency has made strides in restoring American credibility
on the world stage and has proven the U.S. remains an indispensable
partner around the globe. That message will be at the center of an
address he will deliver Monday afternoon on his foreign policy legacy.
Yet Biden's case for foreign policy achievements will be shadowed and
shaped, at least in the near term, by the messy counterfactual that
American voters are returning the country’s stewardship to Trump and his
protectionist worldview.
“The real question is: Does the rest of the world today believe that the
United States is the undisputed heavyweight champion of the world when
it comes to our reservoir of national strength, our economy, our
innovation base, our capacity to attract investment, our capacity to
attract talent?” White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan
said in an Associated Press interview. “When we took office, a lot of
people probably would have said China. ... Nobody’s saying that
anymore.”
After a turbulent four years around the globe, the Democratic
administration argues that Biden provided the world a steady hand and
left the United States and its allies on a stronger footing.
But Biden, from the outset of his presidency, in which he frequently
spoke of his desire to demonstrate that “America's back,” was tested by
war, calamity and miscalculation.
Chaotic US exit from Afghanistan was an early setback for Biden
With the U.S. completing its 2021 withdrawal from Afghanistan, Biden
fulfilled a campaign promise to wind down America’s longest war.
But the 20-year conflict came to an end in disquieting fashion: The
U.S.-backed Afghan government collapsed, a grisly bombing killed 13 U.S.
troops and 170 others, and thousands of desperate Afghans descended on
Kabul’s airport in search of a way out before the final U.S. aircraft
departed over the Hindu Kush.
The Afghanistan debacle was a major setback just eight months into
Biden's presidency that he struggled to recover from.
Biden's Republican detractors, including Trump, cast it as a signal
moment in a failed presidency.
“I’ll tell you what happened, he was so bad with Afghanistan, it was
such a horrible embarrassment, most embarrassing moment in the history
of our country,” Trump said in his lone 2024 presidential debate with
Biden, just weeks before the Democrat announced he was ending his
reelection campaign.
Biden's legacy in Ukraine may hinge on Trump's approach going forward
With Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Biden rallied allies in Europe and
beyond to provide Ukraine with billions in military and economic
assistance — including more than $100 billion from the U.S. alone. That
allowed Kyiv to stay in the fight with Russian President Vladimir
Putin's vastly bigger and better-equipped military. Biden's team also
coordinated with allies to hit Russia with a steady stream of sanctions
aimed at isolating the Kremlin and making Moscow pay an economic price
for prosecuting its war.
But Biden has faced criticism that he's been too cautious throughout the
war about providing the Ukrainians with certain advanced lethal weaponry
in a timely matter and setting restrictions on how they're used
—initially resisting Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's requests
to fire long-range ATACMS missiles deep into Russian territory as well
as requests for Abrams tanks, F-16 fighter jets and other systems.
Biden often balked, before eventually relenting, out of a concern that
it was necessary to hold the line against escalation that he worried
could draw the U.S. and other NATO members into direct conflict with
nuclear-armed Russia.
Trump, for his part, has criticized the cost of the war to U.S.
taxpayers and vowed to bring the conflict to a quick end.
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A private medical clinic is seen damaged by a Russian missile attack
in Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine, Dec. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Andriy Andriyenko,
File)
Biden said Friday he remains hopeful that the U.S. will continue to
aid Ukraine after he leaves office.
“I know that there are a significant number of Democrats and
Republicans on the Hill who think we should continue to support
Ukraine,” Biden said. “It is my hope and expectation they will speak
up ... if Trump decides to cut off funding for Ukraine.”
Daniel Fried, a former U.S. ambassador to Poland and adviser to
Presidents Barack Obama, George W. Bush and Bill Clinton, said
Biden's Ukraine legacy now will largely be shaped by Trump.
He added that Trump just may succeed in bringing what many Americans
can accept as “a decent end” to the Ukraine war.
“That's not necessarily going to happen, but it could,” Fried said.
“And if he does, then the criticism of Biden will be that he acted
to help Ukraine, but hesitated, dithered, did a lot of hand
wringing, and it took Trump to actually bring about a fair
settlement.”
Sullivan makes the case that Trump, a billionaire real estate
developer, should consider the backing of Ukraine through the prism
of a dealmaker.
“Donald Trump has built his identity around making deals, and the
way you make a good deal is with leverage,” Sullivan said. “Our case
publicly and privately to the incoming team is build the leverage,
show the staying power, back Ukraine, and it is down that path that
lies a good deal."
Biden's Mideast diplomacy shadowed by devastation of Gaza
In the Middle East, Biden has stood by Israel as it has worked to
root out Hamas from Gaza. That war spawned another in Lebanon, where
Israel has mauled Iran’s most powerful ally, Hezbollah, even as
Israel has launched successful airstrikes openly inside of Iran for
the first time.
The degradation of Hezbollah in turn played a role when Islamist-led
rebels last month ousted longtime Syrian leader Bashar Assad, a
brutal fixture of Iran’s “Axis of Resistance."
Biden's relationship with Israel's conservative leader Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been strained by the enormous
Palestinian death toll in the fighting —now standing at more than
46,000 dead — and Israel's blockade of the territory that has left
much of Gaza a hellscape where access to food and basic health care
is severely limited.
Pro-Palestinian activists have demanded an arms embargo against
Israel, but U.S. policy has largely remained unchanged. The State
Department in recent days informed Congress of a planned $8 billion
weapons sale to Israel.
Aaron David Miller, a former State Department Middle East
negotiator, said the approach has put Iran on its heels, but Biden
will pay a reputational cost for the devastation of Gaza.
“The administration was either unable or unwilling to create any
sort of restraint that normal humans would regard as significant
pressure,” Miller said. “It was beyond Joe Biden’s emotional and
political bandwidth to impose the kinds of sustained or significant
pressures that might have led to a change in Israeli tactics.”
More than 15 months after the Hamas-led attack that prompted the
war, around 98 hostages remain in Gaza. More than a third of those
are presumed dead by Israeli authorities.
Biden's Middle East adviser Brett McGurk is in the Middle East,
looking to complete an elusive hostage and ceasefire deal as time
runs out in the presidency. Trump, for his part, is warning that
“all hell” will be unleashed on Hamas if the hostages aren't freed
by Inauguration Day.
Sullivan declined to comment on Trump's threats to Hamas, but
offered that the two sides are in agreement about the most important
thing: getting a deal done.
“Having alignment of the outgoing and incoming administration that a
hostage deal at the earliest possible opportunity is in the American
national interest,” he said. “Having unity of message on that is a
good thing, and we have closely coordinated with the incoming team
to this effect.”
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