After 15 months of war, Hamas still rules over what remains of Gaza
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[January 21, 2025]
By SAMY MAGDY and JOSEPH KRAUSS
As a ceasefire brought calm to Gaza's ruined cities, Hamas was quick to
emerge from hiding.
The militant group has not only survived 15 months of war with Israel —
among the deadliest and most destructive in recent memory — but it
remains firmly in control of the coastal territory that now resembles an
apocalyptic wasteland. With a surge of humanitarian aid promised as part
of the ceasefire deal, the Hamas-run government said Monday that it will
coordinate distribution to the desperate people of Gaza.
For all the military might Israel deployed in Gaza, it failed to remove
Hamas from power, one of its central war aims. That could make a return
to fighting more likely, but the results might be the same.
There was an element of theater in Sunday's handover of three Israeli
hostages to the Red Cross, when dozens of masked Hamas fighters wearing
green headbands and military fatigues paraded in front of cameras and
held back a crowd of hundreds who surrounded the vehicles.
The scenes elsewhere in Gaza were even more remarkable: Thousands of
Hamas-run police in uniform re-emerged, making their presence known even
in the most heavily destroyed areas.
“The police have been here the whole time, but they were not wearing
their uniforms" to avoid being targeted by Israel, said Mohammed Abed, a
father of three who returned to his home in Gaza City more than seven
months after fleeing the area.
“They were among the displaced people in the tents. That’s why there
were no thefts," he said.
Other residents said the police had maintained offices in hospitals and
other locations throughout the war, where people could report crimes.
Israel has repeatedly blamed Hamas for the heavy civilian death toll and
damage to infrastructure because the group's fighters and security
forces embed themselves in residential neighborhoods, schools and
hospitals.
A deeply rooted movement
Opinion polls consistently show that only a minority of Palestinians
support Hamas. But the Islamic militant group — which does not accept
Israel's existence — is deeply rooted in Palestinian society, with an
armed wing, a political party, media and charities that date back to its
founding in the late 1980s.
For decades, Hamas functioned as a well-organized insurgency, able to
launch hit-and-run attacks on Israeli forces and suicide bombings in
Israel itself. Many of its top leaders have been killed — and quickly
replaced. It won a landslide victory in 2006 parliamentary elections,
and the following year it seized Gaza from the Western-backed
Palestinian Authority in a week of street battles.
Hamas then established a fully-fledged government, with ministries,
police and a civilian bureaucracy. Its security forces quickly brought
Gaza's powerful families into line and crushed rival armed groups. They
also silenced dissent and violently dispersed occasional protests.
Hamas remained in power through four previous wars with Israel. With
help from Iran it steadily enhanced its capabilities, extended the range
of its rockets and built deeper and longer tunnels to hide from Israeli
airstrikes. By Oct. 7, 2023, it had an army of tens of thousands in
organized battalions.
In the surprise incursion that triggered the war, its fighters attacked
southern Israel by air, land and sea, killing around 1,200 people,
mostly civilians. Hamas-led militants abducted 250 others.
A war like no other
In response, Israel launched an air and ground war that has killed over
47,000 Palestinians, according to local health officials, and has
reduced entire neighborhoods to fields of rubble. Some 90% of Gaza's
population has been displaced, often multiple times.
Nearly every day of the war, the Israeli military announced that it had
killed dozens of fighters, or taken out a midlevel commander, or
dismantled a tunnel complex or obliterated a weapons factory. Israeli
forces killed Hamas' top leader, Yahya Sinwar, and most of his
lieutenants. But the exiled leadership is mostly intact and Mohammed
Sinwar, his brother, has reportedly assumed a bigger role in Gaza.
The military says it has killed over 17,000 fighters — roughly half of
Hamas' estimated prewar ranks — though it has not provided evidence.
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Hamas fighters escort a Red Cross vehicle to collect Israeli
hostages released after a ceasefire agreement between Israel and
Hamas took effect, in Gaza City Sunday, Jan. 19, 2025. (AP
Photo/Abed Hajjar)
What Israel said were carefully targeted strikes frequently killed
women and children and in some cases wiped out entire extended
families.
The military blamed civilian casualties on Hamas. But survivors of
the bombardment, crammed into tents after their homes were
flattened, were a pool of potential recruits.
Earlier this month, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in a
prepared speech that Hamas had recruited nearly as many fighters as
it lost during the war.
Michael Milshtein, an Israeli expert on Palestinian affairs and
former military intelligence officer, said Hamas no longer has the
ability to launch an Oct. 7-style attack but has returned to its
insurgent roots, using creative tactics like harvesting unexploded
Israeli ordnance for homemade bombs.
“Hamas is a chameleon. It changed its colors according to the
circumstances,” he said.
“The war is ending with a strong perception of success for Hamas,"
he added. "The enlistment capabilities will be crazy. They won’t be
able to handle it.”
Israel ensures there is no alternative
Palestinian critics of Hamas have long said there is no military
solution to the Mideast conflict, which predates the birth of the
militant group by several decades.
They argue that Palestinians would be more likely to break with
Hamas if they had an alternative path to ending Israel’s
decades-long occupation, which has further entrenched itself during
the war.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose government is
opposed to Palestinian statehood, has ensured they do not.
He has rebuffed proposals from the United States and friendly Arab
countries for a reformed Palestinian Authority to govern both Gaza
and parts of the occupied West Bank ahead of eventual statehood.
Instead, he has vowed to maintain open-ended security control over
both territories.
Avi Issacharoff, a veteran Israeli journalist — and co-creator of
the Netflix hit “Fauda” — said Netanyahu's refusal to plan for the
day after was the “biggest debacle of this war.”
“Israel is waking up from a nightmare into the very same nightmare,”
he wrote in Israel's Yediot Ahronot newspaper. “Hamas is going to
remain in power and will continue to build more tunnels and recruit
more men, without the emergence of any local alternative.”
Netanyahu has threatened to resume the war after the first six-week
phase of the ceasefire if Israel's goals are not met, while Hamas
has said it will not release dozens of remaining captives without a
lasting truce and an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza.
There's no reason to think another military campaign would bring
about a different result.
In early October, Israeli forces sealed off the northern towns of
Beit Lahiya, Beit Hanoun and Jabaliya, barring nearly all
humanitarian aid, forcing thousands to flee and destroying nearly
every structure in their path, including schools and shelters,
according to witnesses who fled.
The army had carried out major operations in all three places
previously, only to see militants regroup. At least 15 Israeli
soldiers have died in northern Gaza this month alone.
When residents returned to Jabaliya on Sunday, they found a
sprawling scene of devastation with only a few tilted shells of
buildings in a sea of gray rubble.
Dozens of Hamas police kept watch over their return.
___
Magdy reported from Cairo. Associated Press writer Tia Goldenberg in
Tel Aviv, Israel contributed.
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