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		'Beautiful' or 'Ugly,' Trump's big bill shapes the battle for House 
		control in 2026 midterms
		[July 14, 2025]  
		By BILL BARROW, JONATHAN J. COOPER and JACK BROOK  
		WASHINGTON (AP) — Debate over President Donald Trump’s sweeping 
		budget-and-policy package is over on Capitol Hill. Now the argument goes 
		national.
 From the Central Valley of California to Midwestern battlegrounds and 
		suburban districts of the northeast, the new law already is shaping the 
		2026 midterm battle for control of the House of Representatives. The 
		outcome will set the tone for Trump’s final two years in the Oval 
		Office.
 
 Democrats need a net gain of three House seats to break the GOP’s 
		chokehold on Washington and reestablish a power center to counter Trump. 
		There's added pressure to flip the House given that midterm Senate 
		contests are concentrated in Republican-leaning states, making it harder 
		for Democrats to reclaim that chamber.
 
 As Republicans see it, they've now delivered broad tax cuts, an 
		unprecedented investment in immigration enforcement and new restraints 
		on social safety net programs. Democrats see a law that rolls back 
		health insurance access and raises costs for middle-class Americans 
		while cutting taxes mostly for the rich, curtailing green energy 
		initiatives and restricting some workers’ organizing rights.
 
 “It represents the broken promise they made to the American people,” 
		said Rep. Suzan DelBene, a Washington Democrat who chairs the party's 
		House campaign arm. “We’re going to continue to hold Republicans 
		accountable for this vote.”
 
		
		 
		Parties gear up for a fight
 Whether voters see it that way will be determined on a 
		district-by-district level, but the battle will be more intense in some 
		places than others. Among the 435 House districts, only 69 contests were 
		decided by less than 10 percentage points in the 2024 general election.
 
 The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has so far identified 26 
		Democratic-held seats it must defend vigorously, along with 35 GOP-held 
		seats it believes could be ripe to flip. Republicans’ campaign arm, the 
		National Republican Congressional Committee, has so far listed 18 GOP 
		incumbents as priorities, plus two districts opened by retirements.
 
 There are a historically low number of so-called crossover districts: 
		Only 13 Democrats represent districts Trump carried in 2024, while just 
		three Republicans serve districts Democratic presidential nominee Kamala 
		Harris carried.
 
 Both committees are busy recruiting challengers and open-seat candidates 
		and more retirements could come, so the competitive map will evolve. 
		Still, there are clusters of districts guaranteed to influence the 
		national result.
 
 California, despite its clear lean to Democrats statewide, has at least 
		nine House districts expected to be up for grabs: three in the Central 
		Valley and six in southern California. Six are held by Democrats, three 
		by the GOP.
 
 Pennsylvania features four districts that have been among the closest 
		national House races for several consecutive cycles. They include a 
		suburban Philadelphia seat represented by Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, one of 
		just two House Republicans to vote against Trump’s bill and one of the 
		three GOP lawmakers from a district Harris won. Fitzpatrick cited the 
		Medicaid cuts.
 
 Vice President JD Vance plans on Wednesday to be in Republican Rep. Rob 
		Bresnahan’s northwest Pennsylvania district to tout the GOP package. 
		Bresnahan's seat is a top Democratic target.
 
 Iowa and Wisconsin, meanwhile, feature four contiguous GOP-held 
		districts in farm-heavy regions where voters could be swayed by fallout 
		from Trump’s tariffs.
 
		
		 
		Democrats fight to define the GOP
 Beyond bumper-sticker labels – Trump’s preferred “Big Beautiful Bill” 
		versus Democrats’ “Big Ugly Bill” retort – the 900-page law is, in fact, 
		an array of policies with varying impact.
 
 Democrats hammer Medicaid and food assistance cuts, some timed to take 
		full effect only after the 2026 midterms, along with Republicans’ 
		refusal to extend tax credits to some people who obtained health 
		insurance through the Affordable Care Act.
 
		The Congressional Budget Office estimates that 11.8 million more 
		Americans would become uninsured by 2034 if the bill became law; 3 
		million more would not qualify for food stamps, also known as SNAP 
		benefits.
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            Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., speaks during a 
			Congressional Gold Medal ceremony for three-time Tour de France 
			winner Greg LeMond at the Capitol, Wednesday, July 9, 2025, in 
			Washington. (AP Photo/Rod Lamkey, Jr.) 
            
			
			
			 
		“Folks will die here in Louisiana and in other parts of the country,” 
		House Minority Leader Jeffries warned last week during a town hall in 
		Republican Speaker Mike Johnson’s home state of Louisiana.
 Jeffries singled out vulnerable Republicans like California Rep. David 
		Valadao, who represents a heavily agricultural Central Valley district 
		where more than half the population is eligible for the joint 
		state-federal insurance program. California allows immigrants with legal 
		status and those who are undocumented to qualify for Medicaid, so not 
		all Medicaid recipients are voters. But the program helps finance the 
		overall health care system, including nursing homes and hospitals.
 
 Republicans highlight the law's tightened work requirements for Medicaid 
		enrollees. They argue it's a popular provision that will strengthen the 
		program.
 
 “I voted for this bill because it does preserve the Medicaid program for 
		its intended recipients — children, pregnant women, the disabled, and 
		elderly,” Valadao said. “I know how important the program is for my 
		constituents.”
 
 Republicans hope voters see lower taxes
 
 The law includes $4.5 trillion in tax cuts. It makes permanent existing 
		rates and brackets approved during Trump’s first term. Republicans and 
		their allies have hammered vulnerable Democrats for “raising costs” on 
		American households by opposing the bill.
 
 GOP campaign aides point to the popularity of individual provisions: 
		boosting the $2,000 child tax credit to $2,200 (some families at lower 
		income levels would not get the full credit), new deductions on tip and 
		overtime income and auto loans; and a new deduction for older adults 
		earning less than $75,000 a year.
 
 “Everyone will have more take home pay. They’ll have more jobs and 
		opportunity,” Johnson said in a Fox News Sunday interview. “The economy 
		will be doing better and we’ll be able to point to that as the obvious 
		result of what we did.”
 
		
		 
		Democrats note that the biggest beneficiaries of Trump’s tax code are 
		wealthy Americans and corporations. Pairing that with safety net cuts, 
		Florida Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz concluded, “The cruelty is the 
		point.”
 Immigration, meanwhile, was Trump’s strongest issue in 2024. NRCC aides 
		say that will continue with the new law’s investments in immigration 
		enforcement. Democrats believe the Trump administration has overplayed 
		its hand with its push for mass deportation.
 
 Playing the Trump card
 
 The president is a titanic variable.
 
 Democrats point to 2018, when they notched a 40-seat net gain in House 
		seats to take control away from the GOP. This year, Democrats have 
		enjoyed a double-digit swing in special elections around the country 
		when compared to 2024 presidential results. Similar trends emerged in 
		2017 after Trump's 2016 victory. Democrats say that reflects voter 
		discontent with Trump once he's actually in charge.
 
 Republicans answer that Trump’s job approval remains higher at this 
		point than in 2017. But the GOP’s effort is further complicated by 
		ongoing realignments: Since Trump’s emergence, Democrats have gained 
		affluent white voters -– like those in suburban swing districts -– while 
		Trump has drawn more working-class voters across racial and ethnic 
		groups. But Republicans face a stiffer challenge of replicating Trump’s 
		coalition in a midterm election without him on the ballot.
 
 Democrats, meanwhile, must corral voters who are not a threat to vote 
		for Republicans but could stay home.
 
 Jeffries said he's determined not to let that happen: “We’re going to do 
		everything we can until we end this national nightmare.”
 
			
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