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Other remarkable success stories emerged from the small group that trained together to overthrow Castro. One became a world-famous classical guitarist, another, a top Miami surgeon. One became a state senator. Others moved up the ranks in multinational companies like Dow Chemical or founded their own. Their names began to grace street signs and buildings. Duran, who later turned to real estate law, says he owes his initial career to the Bay of Pigs: "Remembering our Cuban lawyer's recommendation we be shot, I became a Miami criminal defense attorney." Andy Gomez of the University of Miami's Institute for Cuba and Cuban-American Studies, says veterans like Alvarez and Duran represent the broader influence Cuban exiles exerted in putting Miami on the world map. "We played a significant role in turning Miami into the capital of Latin America, a global melting pot," said Gomez, himself Cuban-American. "We stayed here, and we became part of the entrepreneurial, successful community that Miami is today." ___ As their efforts to overthrow Castro became sporadic in the late 1970s and 1980s, the veterans' political involvement in the United States intensified. Their support and stature among older exiles helped elect six Cuban-Americans to the U.S. House and two to the Senate, a sizeable number for such a small community. Duran cut his teeth in politics working for Bobby Kennedy's 1968 presidential campaign. One of the few longtime Democrats among the veterans, he disputes the notion that Cubans turned against the Democratic Party following the Bay of Pigs. After all, the CIA kept funding their activities even after Kennedy's assassination, with strong support from his brother Bobby. Many Cuban exiles, former business leaders in their native country, identified with the Republican Party's business friendly platform and conservative agenda but, at least until President Jimmy Carter's diplomatic overtures toward the island in the late 1970s, they remained up for grabs. Even some of the community's most prominent Republican politicians, like recently retired U.S. Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart, remained Democrats until the 1980s. "The Republicans viewed us as an emerging minority," said Duran, noting that Democrats focused in the civil rights era on courting black votes in the South. "At first it was as much about local politics." Soon it also became about Castro and the legacy of the Bay of Pigs, and that emerging minority became one of the nation's most powerful swing votes
-- credited for helping give President George W. Bush his 537-vote victory in Florida over Al Gore in 2000. ___ While many Bay of Pigs veterans thrived in Miami, others like Rodriguez found returning to civilian life difficult. A number of brigade members went on to serve in the U.S. military with distinction. Others became involved in shadier operations beyond Cuba. Peter Kornbluh, director of the National Archives' Cuba project and author of "Bay of Pigs Declassified," wrote that a nucleus of a hard-core Cuban-Americans were central figures in such scandals as Watergate and the Iran-Contra affair. Several of President Richard Nixon's so-called plumbers were veterans of the invasion, including some involved in the Watergate burglary that led to Nixon's resignation. Rodriguez remained committed to fighting communism worldwide. During the Vietnam War, he worked on the CIA's program to "neutralize" civilian support for the Viet Cong. He is best known for helping the Bolivian military track Che Guevara. One of several CIA consultants, Rodriguez was the last to interview the militant whose beret-topped image graces T-shirts in the U.S. and beyond, even today. Rodriguez also advised the Salvadoran military during that country's civil war in the 1980s
-- a military that was accused of numerous human rights violations. He takes credit for capturing one of the Salvadoran guerrillas' top female leaders, who maintains she was tortured by her captors. It was in El Salvador that he began serving as the liaison for the clandestine U.S. support of the Contra rebels in Nicaragua as they fought against the fledgling leftist Sandinista government
-- even as Congress barred the government from such intervention. Rodriguez met then Vice President George H.W. Bush in the White House during this period through his boss in the Contra operations, according to declassified documents. But his testimony denying Bush knew of the Contra plan helped keep the vice president from being enmeshed in the scandal that nearly brought down the Reagan administration. ___ The liquor bottles at the bar in Rodriguez's memento room hang upside down, ready to pour as he tells his tales. "My wife, she's sick of hearing about the capture of Che," he says ruefully. Their ranks have thinned -- only a few hundred survive -- but their influence persists. Rodriguez speaks at schools and conferences. He and others remain active in politics
-- a photo with Rodriguez can help cement a small but reliable voting bloc. Nearly all the Republican presidential candidates made campaign stops and downed the requisite sweet Cuban coffee at the small Bay of Pigs museum in Little Havana during the 2008 election. The U.S.-Cuba Democracy PAC, a group that supports the U.S. embargo of the island and whose members include a number of veterans and their relatives, has given more than $2 million to Democratic and Republican candidates since 2004. In 2005, Alvarez was arrested after he tried to help fellow Bay of Pigs veteran Luis Posada Carriles, Castro's longtime nemesis. Posada was acquitted last week on charges he lied to officials about his involvement in a string of 1997 Havana hotel bombings. Alvarez, 69, was accused of sneaking Posada out of Mexico and into the U.S. aboard his yacht in the spring of 2005. He says he left Posada in Mexico with money but didn't bring him to the U.S. Later that year, Alvarez was arrested after the Coast Guard traced weapons to him including grenades, launchers and 14 pounds of powerful C-4 plastic explosives in the Bahamas. He denies they were his. Investigators found more weapons in a South Florida apartment he owned. Alvarez eventually pleaded guilty to a conspiracy charge but refused to testify against Posada. Rodriguez was among those who wrote letters for Alvarez, urging the judge to reduce his sentence and describing him as "a man of utmost integrity with a strong sense of patriotism." Released last year, he denies the weapons in the apartment were for an attack against Castro, insisting that any trips into Cuban waters made in recent years were done with smaller, defensive arms. Today, Alvarez's yacht is parked most days at a small dock on the Miami River, next to an Italian speedboat he says he uses "to get to the diving reefs quickly." He no longer blames the U.S. for the Bay of Pigs failure and even questions the utility of the U.S. government's decades-old embargo of the island. Had Cubans like himself not fled the island, many would have died, but he believes their efforts to overthrow Castro would have succeeded. "That was our mistake -- leaving," he said. Duran stunned many contemporaries in 2001 when he and others returned to Cuba and met with Castro and some of the men they had fought against. "I felt liberated," he says simply of having met and shaken the hands of his former enemies. He still views Castro as a dictator but believes open exchange with the island is the only way to bring about change there. Many fellow veterans remain skeptical, but Duran's visit gave cover to those in his generation and the next to speak out in favor of policy changes. It is this new generation, on both sides of the Florida Straits, where he places his hopes. "Nothing will change, until the Castros are gone," Duran says. "It is this new generation we must hope for."
[Associated
Press;
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